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Sociologists now refer to "generation gap" as "institutional age segregation".Usually, when any of these age groups is engaged in its primary activity, the individual members are physically isolated from people of other generations, with little interaction across age barriers except at the nuclear family level.A Portrait of the Adult Children of Immigrants Second-generation Americans—the 20 million adult U. They have higher incomes; more are college graduates and homeowners; and fewer live in poverty. Hispanics and Asian Americans make up about seven-in-ten of today’s adult immigrants and about half of today’s adult second generation.S.-born children of immigrants—are substantially better off than immigrants themselves on key measures of socioeconomic attainment, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of U. In all of these measures, their characteristics resemble those of the full U. Pew Research surveys find that the second generations of both groups are much more likely than the immigrants to speak English; to have friends and spouses outside their ethnic or racial group, to say their group gets along well with others, and to think of themselves as a “typical American.” The Pew Research surveys also find that second-generation Hispanics and Asian Americans place more importance than does the general public on hard work and career success.In China, sexual health and behaviors of young people have become a growing public concern but few studies have been conducted to investigate the prevalence and psychosocial correlates of the phenomenon.

And for the most part they are more likely to say their standard of living is higher than that of their parents at the same stage of life. Congress gears up to consider immigration legislation, this new Pew Research report on second-generation Americans looks at the attitudes, values, life priorities, economic experiences, intergroup relations and identity markers of a group that will have a significant impact on the nation’s economy and politics for decades to come.Given the diversity of this population, two caveats are in order.First, the data presented here should not be interpreted as proving or disproving that there has been upward mobility between immigrant parents and their children.First, it assesses whether generational changes in attitudes and behaviors correspond to generational differences in educational outcomes.Second, it tests whether generational changes in immigrant children’s attitudes depend on the school peer context in which they acculturate.

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